On Alawite Guilt
Why can't we ever talk about it?
On October 28, 1945, Edvard Beneš, then-President of Czechoslovakia, announced a "final solution of the German question,” inaugurating a world-historic high-water mark for antifascism. By January of 1946, the expulsion of Sudeten Germans from Czechoslovakia had begun.
Beneš saw through the lie of the Good German and understood the that entire volksdeutsche community shared responsibility for Nazi atrocities due to their individual actions.
Today, the Good Alawite myth is upheld to prevent a reckoning with Alawite Guilt.
Let us be clear: The Alawites deserve to be expelled like the Germans for their actions against Syrian humans.
Not since the Germans of the Third Reich has a people been so collectively stained in blood for fascism. Alawites fly the aircraft that bomb Free Syria’s schools, hospitals, and bakeries. They man the artillery that leveled thousands of villages and killed and maimed millions. Alawites are the ones who murdered hundreds of Sunni civilians with knives to terrorize them. Alawites are the ones who commit countless rapes to show Free Syrians what democracy really is. Alawites loot Sunni communities and then joke about getting a good deal on a refrigerator at the Sunni Market.
And yet the question of Alawite Guilt is never discussed. This is deliberate. There are no results on Google for the term “Alawite Guilt.” Instead we see a few articles and academic papers from the early days of the Syrian Revolution in 2011 or some from 2013, by which time the Revolution and Assad’s counterrevolution and genocide were fully mature and over two years old.
Why is this? Why, after ten years, is Alawite Guilt never a topic of discussion while German Guilt is well-established? Why are the few extant pieces that explore Alawites always unvarnished apologia?
Quite simply, leftists are fascists and they have a murder site to clean up. They have deliberately conflated any discussion of the question of Alawite Guilt with sectarianism because Alawite Guilt breaks their theory of revolution and leftism itself. To even the most intersectional leftist, there are “workers” and “capitalists,” and liberation comes by fostering the natural, if strained, solidarity between anyone who isn’t in a position of power, official or otherwise.
In other words, leftism explicitly does not account for the herrenvolk - the willful master race. This is because leftism is simply an arm of fascism, and leftism exists to mask the existence of the herrenvolk.
The herrenvolk breaks the wold of leftism. The poor herrenvolker will always choose misery and their own kind over solidarity with the undesirables. So leftists must cast all discussion of the existence of the herrenvolk as either “racist” in the case of the Han, for example, or sectarian when discussing the Alawites.
This is why Alawites are turned into blankets and clocks for eggs and potatoes while grumbling about Assad - not because they “fear” Sunnis, as the brainwashed or simply empty vessels of reaction insist. It’s because they hate them more than they want freedom.
With this in mind, it’s no surprise that the scant few pieces from Syria over the last decade that even dare to discuss the Alawites do so in the friendliest terms imaginable. The angle is always that Alawites are victims, poor folks who are caught between Assad’s brutality and - what exactly? Racist and fascist depictions of the Revolution drawn entirely from Assadist propaganda and Western Islamomismia (Alawites don’t fear Sunni Muslims - they just hate Sunnis who want freedom, hence their continual use of it as a mocking insult during torture sessions).
Sectarians are the only ones who dare to speak about Alawites in anything less than glowing terms. This is because leftists want sectarianism to win. Every single “anti-Assad” leftist is in truth an Assadist. The vast majority are “converts” from hard Assadism to a softer kind, and leftist thought patterns are the ones by which discussions of revolution, counterrevolution, and responses to fascism follow.
And they all “want” fascism to win.
This is why every treatment of Alawites from these same leftists is extremely apologetic. The leftists of the Syria analyst ecosystem alternatively giggle with their Good Alawite friends from Latakia and commiserate about hardships they face from the “war” that Alawites imposed on themselves. The Alawite lovers insist we pity the poor helicopter pilot who has to wake up early for tomorrow’s bakery bombing run and emphasize how this shows Alawites are unwillingly suffering under Assad, too.
This is why leftists simultaneously believe that all “white people” are at a baseline complicit in racism and that the Alawites didn’t do anything wrong in Syria and are not complicit in genocide. They expect us to believe both and to ignore this obvious contradiction as Alawite pilots make their daily elementary school bombing runs and rich Alawite university students voice their pain that boy they sure do hate Assad and wanted democracy, but those damn violent Sunnis went and ruined a good thing.
This is of course, deeply ironic, as in between his pathetic groveling to “Palestine” sessions, Yassin Al-Haj Saleh managed to draw connections between the “white supremacists” leftists kayfabe against and the “white Syrians” who rained hell on him and countless others. And of course, the concepts of white complicity never follow.
With this knowledge, antifascists should not fear to apply these very concepts of white supremacy and community complicity to Alawite Guilt. Aside from scrappy outfits such as the Free Alawite Movement and high-profile individual defectors, there is virtually no opposition to the regime within the community.
This widespread participation in fascism and genocide by the Alawite community lead us to a potential form of justice to address them.
Expulsions can be a form of restorative justice and have a long and rich history as the final stage of a liberation struggle. The United States and Haiti both eliminated significant portions of loyalist elements of the old regimes. Mass expulsions, voluntary or otherwise, also characterized the decolonization movement, with expulsions impacting pied-noirs in Algeria, Boers in South Africa, and Rhodesians in Zimbabwe, to name just a few examples.
While it’s debatable how much some of these expulsions were tied to justice rather than budding ethnonationalism, it is notable that leftists support all of these yet wilt at the thought that roided out Alawite rapists and their families with homes full of cheap furniture they picked up from Sunni markets suffer the same fate.
It is also ironic to note that every single leftist supports the mass expulsions of Jewish populations that occurred after the formation of Israel, even if they “just” blame Zionism for it. Because, of course, leftists are fascists and want nothing more than another Holocaust, and are directing all of their energies toward it by Palestinianizing every single social movement possible.
And actually, this indicates why Alawite Guilt is never discussed: “Free Syria” activists, leftist or otherwise, hate Jewish people more than the people who did this to them. Hence the constant discussion about “ethnic cleansing” of Palestinians and the obsession with smothering any question of Alawite Guilt. They want to keep it all in the family. The discourse since Sheikh Jarrah has proven that if Assad started loading up his Golan launchers to gas Tel Aviv, half would join him and the other half would be oddly silently. A handful would oppose it and I know exactly who they are. Had Assad done this in June 2011, the Revolution would have ended right then and there.
Expulsions are actually a liberation movement’s restorative justice. It is simply impossible to try every single Alawite for their participation on a gradient of systems of oppression. And frankly, this would not be desirable.
Expulsion affords the most bespoke form of justice across populations. Every journey is different and is tempered by the degree of guilt of the wanderer. Indeed, many who are on the lesser end of this spectrum will eventually make their way back home after a period of atonement, where they may be reintegrated into new communities free from the herrenvolk ideals that underpinned their previous ones. Many will not even have to leave, as evinced by the large population of Palestinians who are citizens of Israel. Even Beneš spared hundreds of thousands of antifascist Sudeten Germans. Free Alawites would be exempt.
Exile alone can bring impose the suffering, reflection, separation, and transformation that is warranted on the subject. The exiles must experience the same separation from their life that they imposed on others. They must endure the uncertainty, the pain, the loss they visited on those who strive for freedom.
Where they go is of no concern to us. They did not care where their victims would go when they depopulated Free Syria for demanding freedom. The Alawites chose to become a herrenvolk and launched a fundamental assault on our own interests. They must pay the ultimate price. Let the wine-dark sea swallow them, let them freeze in the mountains, let them beg from street to street across a continent. Who cares?
Their journey itself will be transformative. Those who can be salvaged from herrenvolkism will be. Those who cannot will not, and will remain adrift from their past lives, and away from those who they wounded.
And then there will be the trails for the “war criminals” (a thought-terminator) that “anti-Assad leftists” bray about. Only through the shattering of Alawite power and a scattering of their population can true justice be exacted against them. Those trials will never happen otherwise and “anti-Assad leftists” know it.
This process may even be overseen by an International Expulsion Authority, established to enforce antifascism in its final stages. This will help to formalize the expulsion process and, more importantly, to educate the public about the desirability and legitimacy of mass expulsions, thus drowning out the leftist shriekers who call this racism and sectarianism in order to protect their fascist programmers. The Authority may also serve as a deterrent against current and future herrenvolkism and can also crush any attempt by the herrenvolk diaspora to rebuild its power in exile.
With universal jurisdiction and the power to expropriate the wealth of herrenvolk diaspora, detain them, try them, or simply eliminate them, the Authority can also take us to a truly free and borderless world.
Of course, these arguments will be met with horror and allegations of “sectarianism” by “anti-Assad” activists, many of whom have been compromised by leftists and who do not have the intellectual maps to true antifascism that our tendency is drawing. Instead they default to reactionary cartographies that collapse under any sort of scrutiny - see their mindless repetition of the notion that Alawites chose fascism because they were scared by regime propaganda. They never step back to realize this is an illogical nonsequitur whenever it is deployed, nevermind that the Alawites chose to become a herrenvolk regardless of the regime.
Indeed, the Alawite-lovers would be wise to contrast the Alawite response to the revolution with that of the non-Tatmadaw Bamar of Burma. Even though Bamar dominate the regime, many Bamar are now rising up with other armed minorities against a regime dominated by their own kind. This is because the Bamar rejected a herrenvolk identity in favor of freedom (or support for the regime), while the Alawites chose to become a herrenvolk and to remain unfree.
The vessels of reaction masquerading as “revolutionaries” will say “What about the Sunnis who helped Assad? Or everyone else!” To them I say they all will be dealt with and I condemn them for derailing the discussion. This is a space for discussing Alawite Guilt, a subject that is never examined and which relates to the central force behind the Syrian Genocide. Just as the true horror of the Holocaust cannot be understood without first centering Jewish people, the horror of Syrian Genocide cannot be understood unless seen as first and foremost an extermination of Syria’s Sunnis.
An ex-“anti-Assad leftist” comrade who thinks every problem with the Left can be fixed by just getting people to read Postone (as if that won’t just create more well-behaved bystanders to genocide), the main goal of propaganda is to obscure the central truth of an atrocity. Every defender of the Alawites, meaning every single “anti-Assad leftist,” defends Assad’s genocide this with every breath even as they feign opposition.
Gaslighting is the single greatest threat to the continued expansion of true antifascism. Those who fear antifascism attack it from all angles to slow it, to derail it, to distract it, to stunt it. They will do all they can to make a mutant of it. We must be confident in giving it life and following its true path, without straying due to doubts implanted by leftists who dread its consequences for their identities and herrenvolk.